Riggs
Bank Hid Assets Of Pinochet, Report Says
Senate Probe Cites Former U.S. Examiner By Terence O'Hara and Kathleen Day
Washington Post Staff Writers
Thursday, July 15, 2004; Page A01
Riggs Bank courted business from former Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet and helped
him hide millions of dollars in assets from international prosecutors while he was under
house arrest in Britain, according to a report by Senate investigators.
The report also says the top federal bank examiner in charge of supervising the
District's largest bank kept details about Riggs's relationship with Pinochet out of the
Riggs case file. That happened a few months before the examiner retired from the
government and joined Riggs as a senior executive. The examiner, R. Ashley Lee, denied the
allegations to Senate investigators.
The Senate report also said Lee recommended, while still working for the government,
that the bank not be punished for failing to take steps designed to prevent money
laundering.
The report, which includes the first account of Riggs's dealings with Pinochet, is the
latest blow to an institution that once billed itself as "the most important bank in
the most important city in the world." In May the bank agreed to pay $25 million in
civil penalties for what federal regulators called "willful, systemic" violation
of anti-money-laundering laws in its dealings with the embassies of Saudi Arabia and
Equatorial Guinea. Several other federal investigations continue into the bank's
activities, and Riggs has hired investment bankers to explore a sale of the company.
Senate investigators, who spent more than a year looking into Riggs, found that the
bank attempted to use offshore and other accounts that were misleadingly named to obscure
their connection to Pinochet. In documents required by federal regulators, for example,
the bank referred to Pinochet not by name but as "a retired professional" who
held a "high paying position in public sector for many years."
Senior bank officials, including former chairman and chief executive Joseph L.
Allbritton, were part of an effort to win Pinochet's business and were familiar with the
activities in his accounts, the former dictator's legal status and efforts to seize his
assets around the world, the Senate report says.
In addition to its account of Riggs's relationship with Pinochet, who was held in
Britain after an indictment in Spain on charges of "crimes against humanity,"
the Senate report provides new details about Riggs's dealings with Teodoro Obiang Nguema,
the dictator of Equatorial Guinea.
"It's a sordid story of a bank with a prestigious name that blatantly ignored its
obligations under anti-money-laundering laws," said Sen. Carl M. Levin (D-Mich.), the
ranking minority member of the subcommittee whose staff oversaw the investigation.
"And it took our regulators five years to act in any substantive way. . . . They
tolerated Riggs failures and tolerated their dysfunctional AML [anti-money-laundering]
program."
Riggs officials declined to discuss the Pinochet allegations. The bank said a written
statement that it has taken steps to improve its compliance with federal bank regulations.
"It is clear that Riggs did not accomplish all that it needed to," Riggs said.
"Specifically, with respect to the improvements that were outlined by our regulators,
we regret that we did not more swiftly and more thoroughly complete the work necessary to
fully meet the expectations of our regulators. For this, the Bank accepts full
responsibility."
The report raised the possibility of further legal and regulatory problems for Riggs.
But a former federal banking enforcement lawyer, speaking on the condition of anonymity
because he did not have access to the examination reports and other source materials for
the subcommittee's report, said such cases can be difficult for prosecutors because to be
found guilty of criminal wrongdoing, a bank has to have known that a customer was using an
account for illicit activity.
The report by the Democratic minority staff of the permanent subcommittee on
investigations provides new information about Lee's role as a federal examiner, which is
already under investigation by the Treasury Department's inspector general.
In interviews with subcommittee investigators, Lee denied that he prevented information
about Riggs's relationship with Pinochet from being included in bank examination reports.
Lee did not respond to requests for comment that were made through Riggs. Lee's lawyer,
Gilbert Schwartz, who specializes in banking issues, declined through a spokesman to
comment yesterday.
But based on interviews with others, the report concludes that the top federal bank
examiner at Riggs might have become "too close" to the bank to be an effective
watchdog during his four years overseeing the bank, from 1998 to 2002, when Riggs was
repeatedly failing to take steps required by laws designed to prevent money laundering.
Yesterday a source with knowledge of the matter who spoke on the condition of anonymity
said that the inspector general has subpoenaed the bank's phone and meeting logs in an
effort to determine, among other things, whether Lee attended meetings with his former
agency since he joined Riggs -- which could be a violation of government ethics rules.
The report found that Pinochet's deposits at Riggs varied from $4 million to $8
million, held in several personal and corporate accounts. A "senior delegation"
of bank officials traveled to South America in 1996 to solicit business, including
Pinochet's, the report said.
Pinochet has been linked to corruption, illegal arms and drug trafficking, and the
disappearance or murder of thousands of political opponents during his reign, which began
with a 1973 coup and ended in 1990. Pinochet was found unfit to be extradited to stand
trial in Spain in 2000 and was allowed to return to Chile, where he still lives.
According to the report, in July 1996, about 18 months after opening a personal account
at Riggs, Pinochet was indicted by Spain on charges of genocide, terrorism and torture
against Spanish citizens during his rule. A Riggs subsidiary in the Bahamas then
established two companies, Ashburton Co. Ltd. and Althorp Investment Co. Ltd., both
putatively owned by trusts set up by Riggs.
Nowhere on the trust or company documentation does Pinochet's name appear, though he
and his family were the ultimate beneficiaries, according to investigators. Ashburton held
the most Pinochet money; it had a $4.5 million balance when it was closed in 2002, the
report said.
The report said Riggs concealed its relationship with Pinochet from regulators. In
2000, when the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency asked for a list of clients'
accounts controlled by foreign political figures, Pinochet's was not on the list. In 2001,
an OCC examiner happened upon a report about Althorp and asked about the beneficial owner.
The examiner was told, according to his notes from the time, that the account was for a
"publicly known figure" and added that Riggs's chairman, Allbritton,
"knows" the customer. Pinochet's name was never offered. Not until spring 2002
did the OCC discover the Pinochet accounts, when an examiner demanded an explanation for
coded references to cashier's checks that had been mailed or delivered to Pinochet.
The report states that Pinochet's account manager, Carol Thompson, sometimes spoke
directly with Allbritton about Pinochet's accounts. According to OCC documents cited in
the report, a Riggs officer told OCC examiners that "Mr. Pinochet has a relationship
with the Chairman of Riggs."
According to the report, Lee recommended to his superiors at the OCC that it not take
action against Riggs in 2001, despite three successive examinations that detailed
deficiencies in Riggs's adherence to rules designed to detect money laundering. Lee said
that Riggs officers had promised to remedy the problems, but the report concludes that he
did little to ensure that corrective actions were carried out.
Two other bank examiners told Senate investigators that in 2002, a month before Lee was
approached by Riggs about a job, he "specifically instructed" them not to
include the Pinochet findings in the OCC's electronic database. Lee told the investigators
that the examiners under him may have been "confused" about his instruction to
ensure the privacy of the Pinochet matter. The examiners disputed that, saying Lee's
instructions were "clear," the report says.
The subcommittee report also laid out new details of Riggs's relationship with
Equatorial Guinea and of transfers into the accounts controlled by the country's dictator
of millions of dollars of deposits made by U.S. oil companies. The West African country's
government has been cited by the State Department and various nongovernmental and human
rights groups as one of the most corrupt in the world.
A spokesman for Sen. Norm Coleman (R-Minn.), chairman of the investigations
subcommittee, said Coleman agrees with the findings of the report but not a recommendation
that oil companies be required to publicly disclose all payments to foreign companies or
individuals. The spokesman said Coleman wants to hear from oil companies before endorsing
that suggestion and therefore withheld his signature from the report.
Coleman spokesman Tom Steward said, "We agree with 99.9 percent of the
report."
In addition to the Pinochet and Equatorial Guinea accounts, the subcommittee found
others "equally troubling," including more than 150 Saudia Arabian accounts. The
full Senate Governmental Affairs Committee, as part of a larger look into terrorist
funding, is probing those accounts and has subpoenaed records from both the OCC and from
Riggs.
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